Asian American Women in Politics

The 2020 U.S. Census found that Asian Americans were the fastest-growing segment of the U.S. population.1 Yet women and politics scholarship dedicated to Asian American women has been limited. In part, this situation may reflect the underrepresentation of Asian American women as officeholders in comparison to their presence in the population.2 Today Asian American women constitute nearly four percent of the U.S. population.3 The group “Asian Americans,” as defined by the U.S. Census, comprise people with origins throughout Asia – including from East Asia and the Indian subcontinent – with Chinese, Indian, and Filipino the largest population groups.4 Although scholars find that Asian Americans are more likely to self-identify with their ethnic origin group on surveys, many Asian Americans identify with the panethnic label “Asian American.”5

“Asian American women,” like Asian Americans as a group, are extremely heterogeneous; internal differences include language, immigration status, nativity, education, and income, in addition to national origin.6 Yet, grouping women analytically as “Asian American women” takes into account the historic processes of racialization and gendering that can create shared experiences and viewpoints.7

The first Asian immigrants arrived in the United States in the 1800s.8 But it was only in the 1950s that the last barriers fell and Asian immigrants were able to become citizens via naturalization. Immigration laws were reformed in the 1960s that ended some of the most discriminatory barriers that had restricted immigration from Asia. These policy changes that essentially brought immigration from Asia into alignment with other countries fueled dramatic growth in Asian American immigration. Subsequently, however, this population growth has often been met with racial backlash.9

Those who are foreign-born make up 56% of all Asian American women; most are naturalized citizens.10 These statistics mean that Asian American women stand to lose if the Trump administration follows through on the idea of canceling the citizenship of those immigrants who have naturalized; Trump’s proposed changes to birthright citizenship also would have a major impact. 

Asians have been racialized in the United States as being a “model minority” at the same time they are cast as “perpetual foreigners” who are not assimilable — irrespective of nativity or citizenship status.11 Racial stereotypes about Asian Americans are widely held.12 Stereotypes may also be gendered, with researchers detecting distinctive views of Asian American women.13

While Kamala Harris, who is Black and South Asian, made history as the first woman vice president and as the 2024 Democratic nominee for president, President Trump’s racist and misogynist attacks against Harris are a reminder of the barriers that remain for Asian American women candidates. How racial and gender dynamics affect political participation and incorporation for Asian American women are discussed below.

Public Opinion and Partisanship

Are Asian American women a distinct political group? For example, does “gender gap” research – typically used to examine non-Hispanic white voters – apply to Asian Americans?14 Studies of Asian Americans do not always find gender differences. For example, one study found that Asian American women and men held many similar attitudes and political orientations; at the same time, however, women were less politically knowledgeable and engaged, and less likely to be mobilized into politics.15

Experiences with racialization such as being stereotyped as a “model minority” or “perpetual foreigner” may transcend gender.16 Experiences with ethnic or race-based discrimination and harassment are often widespread; for example, Pei-te Lein, Margaret Conway, and Janelle Wong found that 36% of Asian American women surveyed between 2000 and 2001 had experienced ethnic discrimination with 15% experiencing a hate crime.17 The COVID-19 pandemic and anti-Asian political rhetoric about the disease led to an uptick in anti-Asian violence and sentiment.18 Asian American women report “everyday acts of discrimination” at levels similar to Asian American men.19 Meanwhile, both gender and race can shape the content of stereotypes. For example, Negin Ghavami and Letitia Anne Peplau found that Asian American women are stereotyped as intelligent, quiet, and family-oriented.20

Importantly, an analysis of the 2024 presidential election using data from the Catalist voter file revealed that Asian American women were more likely than Asian American men to prefer Harris over Trump, resulting in a ten-point gender gap.21 Pre-election polling had already detected a gender gap in Harris’ support among Asian Americans.22 This poll also found that Harris’ identities – as a woman, South Asian, Black American, and younger candidate – were disproportionately important to Asian American women compared with men.23 In other words, the 2024 election represented a larger gender gap for Asian Americans than in past elections. 

In general, Asian Americans tend to vote for Democratic candidates and identify with the Democratic Party, but Asian American men are more likely than Asian American women to identify with the Republican Party.24 Elected officials who are Asian American tend to be more Democratic as well, with variation by ethnicity.25 Increasingly, scholarship calls for disaggregating women voters given wide gaps in vote choice by race/ethnicity.26

Arguably, neither major political party has sufficiently incorporated Asian Americans into their coalitions; this leaves many Asian Americans without partisan attachments.27 Parties can be barriers to incorporation as they may not wish to share power with immigrant communities. Indeed, community organizations can – in place of political parties – play the institutional role of incorporating Asian American immigrants into politics.28

Christian Dyogi Phillips and Taeku Lee’s comprehensive analysis of Asian American political participation rates found differences by both gender and immigration status.29 Except for the vote, which showed similar rates of participation for Asian American women and men, men usually out-participated women. Asian American women who were older, more highly educated, native-born, identified with a major party, and had experienced mobilization were more likely than other Asian American women to vote. Phillips and Lee also found that some of the determinants of turnout worked differently by gender. For example, foreign-born Asian American men turned out to vote at a higher rate than foreign-born Asian American women with similar levels of education. Overall, they found that education did not deliver the same boost to participation for Asian American women as it did for Asian American men. Thus, there are both immigration-related and gender-related challenges to Asian Americans’ political incorporation. 

Political donations are another site of inequality. CAWP’s 2024 Women, Money, & Politics Watch project found that only about one percent of all congressional money donated from individuals was from Asian American women.30 This statistic indicates that Asian American women’s voices are not heard through their political contributions to the same extent as other groups. Meanwhile, Asian American women’s charitable giving is higher than their political giving, meaning there may be opportunities to channel more of women’s giving activity toward political candidates.31

Asian American women are often categorized as “women of color” in contemporary political discourse and analyzed in research studies in similar fashion.32 Joining with women from other historically underrepresented racial/ethnic groups can create a larger political coalition around shared interests. Yet research shows that only 58% of Asian American women self-identify with the “women of color” label.33 Thus, while most Asian American women seem to find common cause with other women who view themselves as “of color,” the appeal of this identity is not uniform across Asian American women. Research finds that Asian American women who self-identify as “women of color” are more supportive of public policies to benefit out-groups than other Asian American women.34 And perceiving linked fate with other “women of color” leads to higher support for policies aimed at marginalized groups including social welfare policies.35

It is important to note that Asian American women may not be classified as “women of color” by others; for example Kira Sanbonmatsu, Yalidy Matos, and Stacey Greene found that only about half of white Americans in a national survey perceived Asian American women to be “women of color.”36 Perceptions can also vary by ancestry given that South Asians are less likely than East Asians to be perceived as “Asian American.”37 In another reminder of the importance of ancestry, Dan Qi, Cana Kim, and Nichole Bauer found that Asian American women candidates were more likely to emphasize their ethnic identity than their racial identity.38

Election to Office

Notwithstanding Kamala Harris’ election to the vice presidency, Asian American women have had limited success in achieving high elective offices. For example, it was not until 2012 that Senator Mazie Hirono (D-HI) became the first Asian American woman elected to the U.S. Senate. Only one Asian American woman – Nikki Haley (R-SC) – has ever been elected governor. CAWP’s state legislative officeholding data reveal that Asian American women are underrepresented compared with their presence in the population.39

Understanding the reasons for the underrepresentation of Asian American women in politics can be aided by the findings of women and politics, racial/ethnic politics, and immigration research. In the 1960s, the adoption of immigration reform and the Voting Rights Act paved the way for a more inclusive population, electorate, candidate pool, and ultimately, government.40 Immigration reforms ushered in further immigration from Asia including for family reunification purposes. Meanwhile, U.S. policies that give preference to high-skilled workers contribute to the higher median income of Asian American families compared with other racial/ethnic groups.41

Having access to citizenship and being incorporated into politics does not automatically translate into political power or elective officeholding, however. Some of the challenges Asian American women face in politics reflect longstanding barriers based on race/ethnicity, gender, and immigration. For example, in an extensive survey of elected officials published in 2016, many Asian American women reported experiencing discrimination including receiving insufficient party support.42

Women candidates from historically underrepresented racial/ethnic groups are usually running in more racially/ethnically diverse districts.43 District demographics and the incumbency advantage can significantly narrow what Christian Dyogi Phillips calls “realistic opportunities” for winning office.44 In a comprehensive analysis of state legislative electoral opportunities, she found very few districts conducive to electing Asian American women.45 Moreover, Phillips’ qualitative research revealed that Asian American women were not necessarily perceived to be the best candidates or favored when openings arose.46 Within Asian American communities, men were more often thought to be the most viable candidates. Caregiving roles and inequalities in financial resources also had disproportionate gendered impacts. 

The uneven distribution of the Asian American population across states – with most of the population residing in the western United States – is both an opportunity and a challenge for officeholding, according to the scholars Pei-te Lien and Nicole Filler, due to the association of diverse districts with diverse candidates and officeholders.47 For example, Michael Kistner and Tanika Raychaudhuri find that Asian American state legislators are more likely to hold office in areas with larger Asian American populations.48

In an extensive study of Asian American officeholding historically, Lien and Filler emphasize a social justice framework in understanding the candidacy decisions and policy agendas of many candidates and elected officials. They include the role of the Asian American movement that began in the late 1960s, as well as the role of Asian American women in the women’s movement.49 Their analysis notes the unique place of Hawaii as a source of “firsts” for Asian American elected officials given the majority Asian American population of the state. They also document ethnic differences in the proportion of women to men elected officials, with women worst represented as a share of “other South Asians” (i.e. South Asians who are not Indian) and best among people who identify as Hmong. Women constitute a larger proportion of Asian American elected officials from immigrant backgrounds than Asian American elected officials who are U.S.-born.50

Recent anti-Asian hate also has implications for the ability of Asian American women to exercise their political power, including as officeholders. Anti-Asian sentiment related to COVID-19 created a hostile environment that can hamper women’s participation and impact their roles as officeholders.51 A hostile environment can potentially be demobilizing. On the other hand, studies of how emotions impact politics often yield counterintuitive results. For example, Christine Slaughter and colleagues found that anger can spur political participation; it also found that the relationship between fear and political participation is not necessarily negative.52

Voter stereotypes about candidate race and gender are complex. Studies often lump women from historically underrepresented racial/ethnic groups together, and Sylvia Gonzalez and Nichole Bauer do find some support that women are stereotyped in similar ways across race/ethnicity.53 But their experimental approach also found differences in how voters evaluate the likelihood that women from different racial/ethnic backgrounds are running for different types of offices. They found that Asian American women were perceived as less likely than Black women or Latinas to be running for the U.S. Senate or for governor. They also found that voters’ beliefs about Asian American women candidates are often distinct from beliefs about Black and Latina women, with more stereotype content in common among Black and Latina women than either group with Asian American women. In another study, Michelle Irving found that women candidates who emphasize motherhood in their campaigns – which might be considered a universal appeal – have different degrees of success with those appeals depending on their racial/ethnic background.54

How Asian American voters evaluate candidates – including Asian American candidates – can depend on how they are framed. For example, Danielle Cesarez Lemi, Maneesh Arora, and Sara Sadwani found in an experimental analysis that Indian Americans were more supportive of Kamala Harris when she was described as Indian American alone than when she was described as both Black and Indian American.55 This study shows that how voters evaluate candidates may depend on whether the candidate is considered prototypical for their racial/ethnic group. They concluded that “treating ‘Asian Americans’ as a monolith is inappropriate for understanding how different Asian American ethnic groups evaluate different Asian American candidates.”56 In a similar vein, Lemi found that multiracial candidates, despite their potential appeal across racial/ethnic groups, attract less support than monoracial candidates.57

Policy Impact  

Research also considers the behavior of Asian American women once in office. Christian Dyogi Phillips, Paru Shah, and Patrick Vossler posit a framework of “embedded” politics such that “legislators with an embedded orientation envision their community networks as deeply intertwined with the way they conceptualize their identities as representatives and their leadership.”58 Their study finds that the work of Asian American women (and Latinas) in state legislatures is more likely to reflect this representation style than men of their communities, indicating that an immigration lens is needed in studying intersectional identities and substantive representation. Other research also finds gender differences in the priorities of Asian American elected officials.59

Most Asian American women elected officials are Democrats.60 But many Asian American officeholders identify as Republicans. Indeed, the first Asian American woman appointed to a presidential Cabinet, Elaine Chao, is a Republican, as was the first Asian American woman elected to be governor — Nikki Haley (R-SC).61 Partisan differences are important in shaping the policy priorities, positions, and decisions of all officeholders, including Asian American women.

Perhaps one of the most transformative Asian American women in politics was the first woman of color to win congressional office: Patsy Mink (D-HI) in 1964. Representative Mink, who got her start in politics in Hawaii prior to statehood, pursued a legislative agenda focused on women, immigrants, the environment, and low-income Americans.62 As Mink’s biographers observed: “Mink considered herself a representative of the people. She was not afraid to take controversial positions. She did so to advocate for and with those whose voices were often ignored.”63 The authors described her as “an intersectional legislative feminist.”64

The “mother of Title IX,” Representative Mink cosponsored Title IX of the 1972 Higher Education Amendments, enshrining equality for women in education including sports. As a candidate who was also a mother in the 1960s, Mink would encounter sex-based and race-based discrimination on the campaign trail as well as in her own party — the Democratic Party.65 Yet Mink became the first Asian American woman elected to Congress and she served with other trailblazing women in the 1970s, helping found the Congressional Caucus for Women’s Issues (CCWI). In more recent years, Asian American women in Congress such as Senator Mazie Hirono (D-HI) and Representative Grace Meng (D-NY) have worked together to combat anti-Asian stereotypes.66 Asian American women remain underrepresented in elected office, however, holding fewer than two percent of all congressional and state legislative offices despite being nearly four percent of the U.S. population.67

Suggested Citation: Dittmar, Kelly, Kira Sanbonmatsu, and Paru Shah. 2026. CAWP Research Inventory on Gender & Politics. Center for American Women and Politics, Eagleton Institute of Politics, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ.

• 1

  McKelvey, Tara, and Bernd Debusmann Jr. 2021. “US Census: Hispanic and Asian-American Driving US Population Growth.” BBC News, August 12. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-58195166. This inventory is primarily focused on Asian American women; however, some of the studies cited in this inventory include Pacific Islander women as well as Asian American women. 

• 2

  CAWP (Center for American Women and Politics). “Representativeness of Women State Legislators by Race/Ethnicity and State.” https://cawp.rutgers.edu/data/levels-office/state-legislature#Racial/EthnicRepresentativenessbyState

• 3

  The U.S. Census statistics for Asian Americans do not include those who identify as Pacific Islanders. U.S. Census data includes a separate racial category for those who identify as “Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander.” US Census (United States Census Bureau). 2023. “Selected Population Profile in the United States: Asian Alone or in Combination.” https://data.census.gov/table?q=S0201&t=031&y=2023

• 4

  Rico, Brittany, Joyce Key Hahn, and Cody Spence. 2023. “Asian Indian was the Largest Asian Alone Population Group in 2020.” United States Census Bureau, September 21. https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2023/09/2020-census-dhc-a-asian-population.html

• 5

  Wong, Janelle, Karthick Ramakrishnan, Taeku Lee, and Jane Junn. 2011. Asian American Political Participation: Emerging Constituents and their Political Identities. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.  

• 6

  Lien, Pei-te, M. Margaret Conway, and Janelle Wong. 2004. The Politics of Asian Americans: Diversity and Community. New York, NY: Routledge; Wong et al. 2011

• 7

  Chou, Rosalind S. 2012. Asian American Sexual Politics: The Construction of Race, Gender, and Sexuality. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers; Espiritu, Yen Le. 2007. Asian American Women and Men: Labor, Laws, and Love, 2nd edition. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers; Takaki, Ronald T. 1998. Strangers from a Different Shore: a History of Asian Americans, updated and revised edition. Boston, MA: Little, Brown.

• 8

  Takaki 1998

• 9

  Hardy-Fanta, Carol, Pei-te Lien, Dianne M. Pinderhughes, and Christine Marie Sierra. 2016. Contested Transformation: Race, Gender, and Political Leadership in 21st Century America. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

• 10

  US Census (United States Census Bureau). 2023. “Selected Population Profile in the United States: Asian Alone or in Combination; Native and Foreign-Born.”https://data.census.gov/table/ACSSPP1Y2023.S0201?q=S0201&t=031:Native+and+Foreign-Born&y=2023  

• 11

  Kim, Claire Jean. 1999. "The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans." Politics & Society 27 (1): 105–38.

• 12

  Lee, Jennifer, and Dian Sheng. 2024. "The Asian American Assimilation Paradox." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 50 (1): 68–94; Masuoka, Natalie, and Jane Junn. 2013. The Politics of Belonging: Race, Public Opinion, and Immigration. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

• 13

  Ghavami, Negin, and Letitia Anne Peplau. 2013. “An Intersectional Analysis of Gender and Ethnic Stereotypes: Testing Three Hypotheses. Psychology of Women Quarterly 37 (1): 113–27.

• 14

  Conway, M. Margaret. 2008. "The Gender Gap: A Comparison across Racial and Ethnic Groups." In Voting the Gender Gap, ed. Lois D. Whitaker. Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press.

• 15

  Lien, Conway, and Wong 2004

• 16

  Kim 1999

• 17

  Lien, Conway, and Wong 2004

• 18

  Lee and Sheng 2024; Reny, Tyler T., and Matt A. Barreto. 2022. "Xenophobia in the Time of Pandemic: Othering, Anti-Asian Attitudes, and COVID-19." Politics, Groups, and Identities 10 (2): 209–32.

• 19

  Lee and Sheng 2024, 82

• 20

  Ghavami and Peplau 2013

• 21

  Catalist. 2025. What Happened 2024. http://catalist.us/whathappened2024  

• 22

  Ramakrishnan, Karthick and Sara Sadhwani. 2024. "Asian Americans Are Flocking to Kamala Harris. Why?" AAPI Data, October 15. https://aapidata.com/featured/asian-americans-are-flocking-to-kamala-harris-why/

• 23

  Ramakrishnan and Sadhwani 2024

• 24

  Conway 2008; Lien, Conway, and Wong 2004; Wong et al. 2011

• 25

  Lien, Pei-te, and Nicole Filler. 2022. Contesting the Last Frontier: Race, Gender, Ethnicity, and Political Representation of Asian Americans, 1st edition. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

• 26

  Junn, Jane, and Natalie Masuoka. 2024. Women Voters: Race, Gender, and Dynamism in American Elections. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

• 27

  Hajnal, Zoltan L., and Taeku Lee. 2011. Why Americans Don't Join the Party: Race, Immigration, and the Failure (of Political Parties) to Engage the Electorate. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

• 28

  Wong, Janelle. 2006. Democracy's Promise: Immigrants and American Civic Institutions. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.

• 29

  Phillips, Christian Dyogi, and Taeku Lee. 2018. "Superficial Equality: Gender and Immigration in Asian American Political Participation." Politics, Groups, and Identities 6 (3): 373–88.

• 30

  CAWP (Center for American Women and Politics). 2024. “Men Vastly Outgiving Women in 2024 Congressional Elections,” September 16. https://cawp.rutgers.edu/news-media/press-releases/men-vastly-outgiving-women-2024-congressional-elections

• 31

  Sanbonmatsu, Kira. 2025. “Are Resources the Answer? How Gender, Race/Ethnicity, and Financial Resources Shake Political Giving.” Center for American Women and Politics, May 19. https://cawp.rutgers.edu/blog/are-resources-answer-how-gender-raceethnicity-and-financial-resources-shape-political-giving

• 32

  Junn and Masuoka 2024

• 33

  Greene, Stacey, Yalidy Matos, and Kira Sanbonmatsu. 2022. "A Path of their Own: WOC Identity Development Among Asian, Black, and Latina American Women." Paper presented at the 5th Annual Conference on Identity and Inequality, Princeton University.

• 34

  Sanbonmatsu, Kira, Stacey Greene, and Yalidy Matos. 2025. "The Political Implications of Identifying as a ‘Woman of Color’ for Latina and Asian American Women." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics (Online): 1–30.

• 35

  Carey, Tony E., and Mary-Kate Lizotte. 2023. "The Ties that Bind: Public Opinion and Linked Fate among Women of Color." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 44 (1): 5–19.

• 36

  Sanbonmatsu, Kira, Yalidy Matos, and Stacey Greene. 2025. "The Boundaries of ‘Women of Color:’ The Political Implications of Non-Hispanic Whites’ Perceptions of Women of Color." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 46 (1): 55–72, 61.

• 37

  Lee, Jennifer, and Karthick Ramakrishnan. 2020. "Who Counts as Asian." Ethnic and Racial Studies 43 (10): 1733–56.

• 38

  Qi, Dan, Cana Kim, and Nichole M. Bauer. 2023. "Asian American and Pacific Islander Women Leaders and Political Communication." In Distinct Identities: Minority Women in U.S. Politics, 2nd edition, eds. Nadia E. Brown and Sarah Allen Gershon. New York, NY: Routledge.

• 39

  CAWP. “Representativeness of Women State Legislators by Race/Ethnicity and State.” https://cawp.rutgers.edu/data/levels-office/state-legislature#Racial/EthnicRepresentativenessbyState

• 40

  Hardy-Fanta et al. 2016; Kistner, Michael, and Tanika Raychaudhuri. 2025. "Immigration and Political Incorporation: Asian American Representation in State Legislatures." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 25 (2): 212–36; Lien, Pei-te, Dianne M. Pinderhughes, Carol Hardy-Fanta, and Christine M. Sierra. 2007. "The Voting Rights Act and the Election of Nonwhite Officials." PS: Political Science and Politics 40 (3): 489–94.

• 41

  Lee and Sheng 2024; Zhou, Min, and Jennifer Lee. 2017. "Hyper-Selectivity and the Remaking of Culture: Understanding the Asian American Achievement Paradox." Asian American Journal of Psychology 8 (1): 7–15.

• 42

  Hardy-Fanta et al. 2016

• 43

  Hardy-Fanta et al. 2016

• 44

  Phillips, Christian Dyogi. 2021. Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

• 45

  Phillips 2021

• 46

  Phillips 2021

• 47

  Lien and Filler 2022

• 48

  Kistner and Raychaudhuri 2025

• 49

  Lien and Filler 2022

• 50

  Lien and Filler 2022

• 51

  Lien and Filler 2022

• 52

  Slaughter, Christine M., Kennia L. Coronado, Camille Burge-Hicks, and Nadia E. Brown. 2025. "Not All Emotions Are the Same: an Intersectional Analysis of Women’s Political Action Based on Emotive Responses." European Journal of Politics and Gender 8 (2): 358–84.

• 53

  Gonzalez, Sylvia, and Nichole Bauer. 2024. "Strong and Caring? The Stereotypic Traits of Women of Color in Politics." Politics, Groups, and Identities 12 (1): 124–41.

• 54

  Irving, Michelle. 2025. Born to Run: Motherhood Appeals, Race, and Partisanship in Congressional Campaigns. Ph.D. Dissertation. Rutgers University.

• 55

  Lemi, Danielle Casarez, Maneesh Arora, and Sara Sadhwani. 2022. "Black and Desi: Indian American Perceptions of Kamala Harris." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 43 (3): 376–89.

• 56

  Lemi, Arora, and Sadhwani 2022, 384

• 57

  Lemi, Danielle Casarez. 2021. "Do Voters Prefer Just Any Descriptive Representative? The Case of Multiracial Candidates." Perspectives on Politics 19 (4): 1061–81.

• 58

  Phillips, Christian Dyogi, Paru Shah, and Patrick Vossler. 2022. "Immigrants, Intersectionality and the Politics of Substantive Representation." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 43 (1): 64–81, 67.

• 59

  Lien and Filler 2022

• 60

  CAWP (Center for American Women and Politics). “Women Elected Officials Database.” https://cawp.rutgers.edu/data/women-elected-officials-database

• 61

  CAWP (Center for American Women and Politics). “Milestones.” https://cawp.rutgers.edu/data?tab=Milestones

• 62

  Wu, Judy Tzu-Chun, and Gwendolyn Mink. 2022. Fierce and Fearless: Patsy Takemoto Mink, First Woman of Color in Congress. New York, NY: New York University Press.

• 63

  Wu and Mink 2022, 4

• 64

  Wu and Mink 2022, 5

• 65

  Wu and Mink 2022

• 66

  Dittmar, Kelly, Kira Sanbonmatsu, and Susan J. Carroll. 2018. A Seat at the Table: Congresswomen’s Perspectives on Why Their Presence Matters. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

• 67

  CAWP. “Representativeness of Women State Legislators by Race/Ethnicity and State” (filtered by Asian American / Pacific Islander). https://go.rutgers.edu/cbqxy48t